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Here are the five biggest U.S. and international stories as of Saturday, July 11, 2026.
2026 V-Dem Index Findings
The 2026 V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index presents a comparative map of democratic systems across Africa, ranking each country by the strength of its electoral democracy. This index measures countries on a scale from 0 to 1, with 1 indicating the highest level of electoral democracy. In 2026, the top three African countries ranked by the V-Dem Electoral Democracy metric were Cape Verde, Seychelles, and South Africa. Cape Verde scored 0.74, Seychelles scored 0.76, and South Africa also scored 0.74. For context, a score above 0.7 is considered high and signals robust democratic institutions and processes.
Seychelles, with a score of 0.76, had the highest overall ranking in Africa for electoral democracy. Its liberal democracy score was 0.68, its participatory democracy score was 0.83, and its deliberative democracy score was 0.95. Deliberative democracy measures the extent to which policies are developed through reasoned debate and broad participation. Cape Verde, ranked just below Seychelles, had a liberal democracy score of 0.63 and a participatory score of 0.72. Its egalitarian democracy score stood at 0.54, reflecting efforts to ensure equal access to political rights.
South Africa, which also scored 0.74 on the electoral democracy scale, had a participatory democracy score of 0.65 and a deliberative score of 0.9. These numbers point to the presence of open, competitive elections and meaningful citizen participation in governance. Mauritius followed closely behind with a 0.74 electoral democracy score, a 0.64 liberal score, and a 0.92 deliberative score.
Ghana, another country consistently cited for its democratic progress, achieved a score of 0.71 for electoral democracy, 0.61 for liberal democracy, and 0.64 for participatory democracy. Botswana, often highlighted for its political stability, scored 0.66 on the electoral democracy index, with a 0.52 liberal democracy score and a 0.69 participatory democracy score.
The V-Dem Index is compiled by a Swedish institute and combines expert analysis with statistical data, measuring several aspects of democracy: electoral, liberal, participatory, deliberative, and egalitarian. The index captures whether elections are free and fair, whether civil liberties are respected, and whether citizens can participate in decision making.
Alongside the V-Dem rankings, The Economist’s Democracy Index also recently ranked African countries on measures of democracy. The Economist’s index categorizes countries as full democracies, flawed democracies, hybrid regimes, or authoritarian regimes. In the most recent rankings, only a small number of African states were classified as “free” democracies. For example, the Freedom Index identified Botswana, Mauritius, Cape Verde, Senegal, Tunisia, Ghana, Nigeria, São Tomé and Príncipe, Namibia, South Africa, and Benin as “free” states. These classifications are based on the protection of political and civil liberties and the freedom to participate in elections.
In the 2026 V-Dem Democracy indices, several countries were highlighted for recent democratic advancements or setbacks. Stand-alone democratization was noted in The Gambia and Seychelles. U-turn democratization occurred in Zambia, Benin, and Lesotho, reflecting changes in the political environment and electoral processes.
The V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index provides a way to compare the quality of democracy across different African countries using a standardized methodology. By focusing on electoral competition, civil liberties, and participatory mechanisms, the index offers a snapshot of how democratic institutions are functioning in each state.
Variations in African Governance
The 2026 V-Dem Index and other democracy rankings show wide variations in levels of electoral democracy and governance across African nations. For example, while Seychelles, Cape Verde, and South Africa scored between 0.74 and 0.76 on the electoral democracy scale, many other countries scored below 0.3. Eritrea had the lowest score in Africa, with 0.07 on the electoral democracy index, indicating the absence of free and fair elections and limited civil liberties.
Countries such as Botswana and Ghana, noted for their stability and periodic multiparty elections, are contrasted by states like Cameroon, Chad, Sudan, and Ethiopia, which had scores of 0.26 or lower. Cameroon's score stood at 0.26, reflecting a combination of restricted political competition, limited civil liberties, and centralized power structures.
Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa, scored 0.5 on the index. This middle ranking points to the ongoing tension between competitive elections and political challenges such as corruption, ethnic conflict, and regional divisions. Kenya, which scored 0.56, has seen a history of contested elections and reforms aimed at increasing transparency and participation.
Tunisia, which saw a democratic opening in the wake of the Arab Spring, registered a score of 0.4 for electoral democracy and 0.26 for liberal democracy. This suggests that while there are mechanisms for free and fair elections, other elements of democratic governance, such as the rule of law and protection of civil liberties, remain limited.
Madagascar and Togo both scored 0.36 and 0.35 respectively, illustrating the difficulties some nations face in establishing robust democratic systems. Conflict-affected countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Central African Republic scored just 0.31 and 0.29, demonstrating the impact of ongoing violence and instability on democratic institutions.
The Freedom Index’s assessment that only eleven African states are “free” underscores the broader trend. The majority of sub-Saharan countries fall into the categories of “partly free” or “not free,” according to recent metrics, due to restrictions on press freedom, opposition parties, and civil liberties.
Some countries are classified as “hybrid regimes,” combining democratic and authoritarian features. For example, Morocco scored 0.26 on the electoral democracy index but had a relatively high participatory democracy score of 0.56. Hybrid regimes often display elements of electoral competition and some civil liberties but lack the institutional checks found in full democracies.
The diversity in governance also plays out in public policy and state capacity. For instance, Botswana has been recognized for its public administration reforms, health, and education systems, while also facing challenges in medicine distribution. These variations reflect how governance quality influences citizens’ everyday experiences.
Decolonisation’s Enduring Impact
The roots of Africa’s current political landscape are closely tied to the legacy of colonial rule and the subsequent process of decolonisation. The Scramble for Africa, formalized at the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, saw European powers partition the continent, creating borders that cut across existing ethnic, linguistic, and cultural divisions. These arbitrary boundaries have contributed to ongoing ethnic conflicts and economic disruptions, as communities were often divided and trade routes disrupted.
Between 1957 and 1975, more than 30 African countries gained independence. Ghana was the first sub-Saharan nation to do so in 1957, paving the way for other countries. The year 1960 is known as the “Year of Africa” because 17 African nations achieved independence within those twelve months. The decolonisation process was frequently marked by violence and upheaval. Major events included the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya, the Algerian War, the Congo Crisis, and the Angolan War of Independence.
The Algerian War, which lasted from 1954 to 1962, was one of the most violent decolonisation conflicts. It involved guerilla warfare, mass civilian casualties, and atrocities committed by both sides. Algeria’s fight for independence resulted in the end of French colonial rule and influenced decolonisation movements across the continent.
Ghana’s independence in 1957 symbolized a turning point in African political history. Ghana’s transition to independence was relatively peaceful compared to other countries, and it became a model for nationalist movements elsewhere. Ghana’s first government emphasized the importance of self-determination and the building of democratic institutions.
The Organisation of African Unity (OAU), established in 1963, played a crucial role in supporting liberation movements and mediating conflicts. The OAU promoted principles of non-interference and respect for sovereignty, aiming to prevent the spread of civil wars and maintain regional stability. In 2001, the African Union (AU) succeeded the OAU with a greater focus on economic integration and development.
Liberia presents a unique case in African decolonisation. Founded by formerly enslaved African-Americans in 1847, Liberia declared its independence and was recognized as a sovereign state. Ethiopia is another notable exception; it maintained its sovereignty during the colonial era by defeating Italian forces at the Battle of Adwa in 1896.
The legacy of colonialism has left Africa with complex political and economic challenges. Economic exploitation and the diversion of resources during colonial rule stunted internal development, leading to persistent poverty and dependency. The arbitrary borders drawn by colonial powers continue to shape political and social tensions, with many post-independence conflicts rooted in these divisions.
The apartheid system in South Africa, enforced from 1948 to the early 1990s, institutionalized racial segregation and discrimination. Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990 and his subsequent election in 1994 marked the end of apartheid and the beginning of multiracial democracy.
The United Nations’ 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples affirmed the right of all peoples to self-government, adding international legitimacy to African independence movements. By 1977, fifty African countries had achieved independence from European colonial powers.
The impact of decolonisation is still felt today in African international relations and domestic politics. Many current governance challenges, from ethnic strife to weak state capacity, can be traced back to the colonial and decolonisation eras. The persistence of “African solutions to African problems” remains a guiding principle for many regional organizations and policymakers.
Evolving African Historiography
African historiography has transformed over time, reflecting the continent’s changing approaches to its own history. In many African societies, history was traditionally preserved and transmitted through oral tradition. Professional oral historians, such as the griots of West Africa, played a central role in crafting and performing histories that were shared and passed down across generations.
The lack of written records for much of African history meant that early European-written histories were often shaped by outside perspectives, which introduced significant bias. Colonial historiography was marked by Eurocentrism and racist theories such as the Hamitic hypothesis, which attributed any evidence of civilization in Africa to outside influences. These narratives dismissed the agency and achievements of African peoples.
Beginning in the mid-20th century, African scholars and historians began systematically refuting colonial accounts. Nationalist histories emerged, aimed at fostering patriotism and legitimizing new multi-ethnic nation-states. These efforts emphasized the use of oral sources, archaeology, and historical linguistics to reconstruct African histories from within.
The Ibadan School of History in Nigeria and the Legon School in Ghana pioneered new methodologies. By supplementing archival research with oral traditions, these scholars demonstrated that African societies possessed historical consciousness and complex narratives independent of European interactions.
The rise of Marxist thought in the late 20th century contributed a more critical perspective on colonialism and its aftermath, focusing on issues of dependency and underdevelopment. Walter Rodney’s work, “How Europe Underdeveloped Africa,” published in 1972, argued that Africa’s natural development was derailed by the slave trade and colonialism, resulting in a state of permanent dependency.
From 1981 onward, UNESCO sponsored the publication of the General History of Africa, edited by experts from across the continent. This project marked a significant step in constructing a pan-African perspective and countering Eurocentric narratives. The movement toward decolonizing African history also encouraged the use of oral sources, community-based archaeology, and the incorporation of local languages and epistemologies.
In the contemporary era, African historiography is characterized by a pluralist tradition. Historians employ a range of approaches, from nationalist and liberal to Marxist and postmodern interpretations. Current scholarship places more emphasis on contemporary history and African agency, reflecting a move away from the ideological divisions of earlier generations.
Despite progress, challenges persist. Academic labor migration has led many African scholars to move to institutions outside the continent, and funding for historical research remains limited. Most histories are written in English or French rather than African languages, reducing accessibility for local audiences.
Recent debates have focused on how best to integrate oral traditions with other sources, as well as the need to develop an autonomous African philosophy of history. There is increased urgency to preserve oral traditions, as knowledge keepers are lost to epidemics such as HIV-AIDS and COVID-19.
Historiography now addresses the complexity of African historical experiences, with attention to migration, women’s history, urbanization, economic change, and environmental factors. The African Union’s Agenda 2063 includes the production of an Encyclopedia Africana as a flagship project, aiming to document the foundations of African life in history, law, economics, religion, and education.
The field has broadened to include both local histories and broader pan-African narratives, with new generations of historians seeking to balance relevance for African audiences with engagement in global academic discourse. The result is an expanding and dynamic field, alive with methodological debate and driven by the determination to recover African perspectives on the continent’s past.
The V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index for 2026 shows Seychelles leading Africa with a score of 0.76, achieving a 0.95 on deliberative democracy, the highest on the continent.